Despite
its increased usage, the concept of a duty of remembering has not
yet been clearly defined. Whose remembrance are we referring to?
Duty to whom or to what? And which memories are we speaking of?
The response to these questions remains vague and unclear.
The
first confusion comes from the belief in collective memory; there
does not exist a single collective memory. Each person remembers
his or her own personal experience and what he or she has lived.
Several prisoners from the same camp, for example, several detainees
from Verdun, have a collective memory. But there is no Frenchman
today who can remember the Revolution of 1789, there is no Serb
who remembers the battle of 1389 which is said to justify Serbian
occupation of Kosovo, and there is no Israeli who remembers the
destruction of the Temple. Collective memory is transmitted
and ultimately becomes a given. Collective memory has been transmitted
through family, through schools, through certain ethnic groups,
or through the media. Oftentimes, in the process of being transmitted,
additional information is inserted into the accounts of the past.
For example, the International Institute of Textbooks in Brunswick,
Germany, has permitted French, German, Polish, Israeli professors
to elaborate on the lessons of the past in order to provide a more
balanced account of international relations.
In
the Political Dictionary, on the topic of identity, Voltaire
writes that: It is only memory that establishes ones
identity. It is also collective memory that establishes
and maintains a groups identity, be it social, religious,
or national. The memory of workers has served as the foundation
for international movements; and the memory of discrimination against
women has been used by feminist movements. Each person can have
multiple identities and each group to which he/she belongs, wants
him/her to privilege one memory rather than another. Conflicts of
identity are by and large conflicts of memory.
It
is possible that the goal of passing along a collective memory is
to homogenize a group. In France, for example, in primary schools,
French history lessons imbued with memories of Jeanne DArc,
Napoleon, and Clemenceau, have made good little Frenchmen of numerous
little Italians, Poles, and Germans. The goal of passing along a
collective memory is often also to glorify the past. One is encouraged
only to remember a nations victories and moments
of glory. In France, the Secretary of Veterans Affairs publishes
the monthly newsletter, The Paths of Memory, in which
you would seek in vain to find any mention of the countrys
moral failings. In this publication it was thought acceptable to
mark, in December 1996, the 50th anniversary of the attack of the
Viet Minh against Hanoi, but only after having omitted in November,
the anniversary of the French bombing of Haiphong.
The
transmission of memory often serves to preserve knowledge of past
sufferings. On November 11, 1968, it was felt necessary to tell
the old combatants of May 1968 about life in the trenches
during World War I, under the rain of grenades that contained more
than tear gas. Should transmitted and acquired memory serve as the
base of a collective identity? Theo Klein writes, Young people
justify their identity, their Judaism, through the exclusive memory
of the Shoah. They therefore develop what I would call a fatalistic
identity.
The
duty of remembering is also invoked in the face of those who committed
crimes and inflicted suffering on others. Remember what you
have done! This exclamation is legitimate only on two conditions:
that it does not involve collective guilt, especially hereditary,
and that it is not said without acknowledgement of crimes committed
by the accusers. On the first point, the French language lacks the
appropriate equivalent for the word liability in English,
or Haftung in German. In kneeling in front of the monument
to the Warsaw Ghetto, Chancellor Brandt, who had left Germany as
a young man in 1933, did not feel any personal guilt. But he assumed
the burden of Germanys past horrors. In the same way, all
members of the French resistance should assume the burden of what
Vichy France inflicted on foreign Jews. And also for the suffering
that was inflicted, in the name of France, on several colonial populations.
The
duty of remembering applies also to the actions committed by specific
groups. In Germany, this seems fairly obvious to the majority of
Germans. Little by little, the Catholic Church has committed to
its memory the crimes committed in its name, as well as its crimes
of omission. On the other hand, the Austrian church refuses to remember
that its cardinal and its bishops called on their parish to vote
for Hitler in March 1938, for his economic and ethnic
accomplishments. Turkey still refuses to remember the horrific massacre
of Armenians committed in 1915. France too, struggles to remember
parts of its past, in part because of an absurd notion continually
asserted by Jews, that their past is incomparable. In
saying that something is incomparable, one has just
compared it to affirm its singularity, in excellence or in horror.
To those who have been victims of another crimes, one must then
explain the reason for its unique nature.
One
has to have seen those worn out workers, skeletal, and covered in
wounds
One has to have seen those men, women, girls walking
in single file along the paths that led to the work site said
Felix Houphouet-Boigny in the speech that led to the vote to instill
the law bearing his name that on 11 April 1946 finally abolished
slave labor in French West-Africa. Is anyone demanding reparations
in the same way we have requested them from Germany? It is true
that less emphasis is placed on remembering black suffering as compared
to remembering white suffering.
The
memory and acknowledgment of others suffering also constitutes
an element of peace. The matching up of Coventry, the first British
city bombed by the Luftwaffe, with Dresden, a city which was almost
completely destroyed in February 1945, as sister cities was a significant
step in the process of peace building. The first encounters between
the French and Germans in 1947-1948 were motivated by the same consideration
for the suffering of others. Unfortunately, Serbian Orthodox priests
and Croatian Catholic priests have not yet spoken to their respective
ethnic groups, despite their shared Christianity, about atrocities
committed in their name before or after 1945.
The
main goal or task of remembering is perhaps also the obligation
to transform past suffering into creative action. In the name of
their painful memories, members of the resistance, the deported,
and the surviving Jews who sought to influence post-war Germany,
felt some responsibility for the countrys future direction.
In any case, remembering should lead to coherent judgement regarding
moral decisions
The memory of humiliation inflicted upon Jews
even before the Holocaust should prevent any Jews from humiliating
other groups. As a result of his internment in Buchenwald, David
Rousset made it his task to denounce Soviet camps. Similarly, in
her moving book, The Secret of Hope, Genevieve de Gaulle-Anthonioz
tells how the memory of her misery at a camp in Ravensbruck led
her to devote herself to the presidency of ATD-Quart Monde (Aid
to All Distress), in the fight against the existence of slums in
which the residents and their children are subjected to comparable
misery.
The
duty of remembering does not always have to refer to tragedies.
Feelings of hate and aversion are more frequently and more easily
transmitted than positive feelings of appreciation. In France, we
like the Americans because of La Fayette, not in evoking
1918, 1944 or even the Marshall plan! Let us dedicate ourselves
to the duty of remembering, but of a remembrance that is fully and
loyally transmitted, and with the goal of acting in the name of
universal respect for all human beings: a goal supposedly at the
heart of European culture.
(This
article was first published in the French edition of Crimes of War.
It was translated into English by Virginie Ladisch.)

|