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Castaño
is not running for office, yet the political objectives of his media
campaign are clear. He believes in the ideology he serves, and needs
to find a way to the negotiation table, to assimilate his paramilitary
project into the political mainstream, block negotiations with the
guerrillas, and receive amnesty for his crimes. He wants to be a
kingmaker, and as he builds his personal image, Colombian analysts
see further evidence of the synergy between him and Uribe. Castaño
is opening the space for an authoritarian leader who shares his
goals.
And he may be doing so by literally removing himself from the public
arena. On May 27, Castaño announced his "irrevocable"
retirement as AUC’s Commander in Chief. And he hasn’t
been seen since.
Experts are mystified. Has he been eliminated—literally or
politically? Is he more powerful than ever, behind the scenes? One
thing is certain: his vision of Colombia’s future already exists
in numerous places.
The
Future According to Castaño
To get a sense for what life in the Colombia of "Peace with
Order" might be like, one need only visit any of the AUC-controlled
regions, where the new model for rural life is up and running. Tim
Johnson, a Miami Herald correspondent who visited Apartado,
a town controlled by paramilitaries on the northern coast of Uraba,
reported that the politics of this tropical city on the edge of
the Darien peninsula had moved so far to the right, that the only
comparison that came to mind was fascist Italy in the years before
World War II. Gunmen patrolled the streets, fear and mistrust hung
heavily in the humid atmosphere. Everyone watched everyone else;
no one dared speak their mind on any subject. In areas where Castaño's
forces are the law, every manifestation of private or community
life must conform to a rigid set of behavioral regulations: no earrings
or long hair for men, no mini-skirts or trousers for women; philosophy
is banned from the schools; only certain kinds of music are permitted
in the discos; cultural and ethnic festivals and many religious
ceremonies are prohibited -- a few years ago in certain villages
of Córdoba, Castaño banned Christmas celebrations
-- travel is restricted; arbitrary curfews mandated.
On the northern coast, in parts of Córdoba and Magdalena
Medio, Castaño also controls the selection and election of
local authorities. Mayors, councilors, even congressmen and governors
are all his people. When French philosopher Bernard Henri-Lévy,
who recently interviewed Castaño on his Córdoba ranch,
(Le Monde June 2, 2001) asked him why he had ordered the
killing of a local mayor, Castaño replied, "because
our job is to bring to power the representatives of the people.
If anyone in Córdoba insists on presenting himself when he's
not wanted, then of course we threaten him. It's true. It's normal."
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